I’ve been futzing around
with versions of this post since the very beginning of December, since I read
the first draft of a student research paper that spoke more to modern day race
and class privilege than to anything about the Middle Ages and did so in a way
that, at least as far as teaching goes, was new and challenging for me to know
how to approach. What you’re reading now has been up and down and up and down
on and off the blog in two major forms with some tweaks since then. I’m calling
this the final version although, as I tell my students, there’s no such thing
as a final draft. This probably isn’t the totality of what I want to say or the
best way I could articulate it. It’s certainly not extensively researched since
all of my research energy is pointed firmly at those same Middle Ages that my
student so skillfully managed to ignore. Writing that sentence feels funny,
too, since I don’t normally encourage a firm division between modern and
medieval, having been the student of medievalists of the sort who firmly
consider Salman Rushdie to be part of their purview and who wouldn’t do but
keep close tabs on the modern goings-on in the regions whose histories they
write. I guess I’m struggling with time management in all sorts of ways.
“Give it to me in narrative
form,” one of those medievalists used to say, when I would get ahead of myself.
So here goes:
This all began while
reading, as I said, a first draft of a student research paper. I had to start
out by explaining that Benzion Netanyahu was definitely not the same person as
Benjamin Netanyahu, and while yes, his conservative politics may have
influenced his historian’s judgment, it had very little to do with the
premiership of Israel. And in any case, you ought to know what you’re in for
when Netanyahu is the most reliable source on a bibliography. Ultimately, using
the argument from the web site of a Holocaust-denying Catholic priest as its
backbone — you’d be forgiven for thinking that I hadn’t spent parts of several
class sessions or given handouts and detailed instructions on how to critically
analyze secondary source material — the paper argued that the lesson of the
Spanish Inquisition was that racial and religious minorities, including
African-Americans whose voting rights had been curtailed and Muslims who had
become the targets of everything from surveillance to violence in the wake of
the 9/11 attacks, should understand that these restrictions and worse came into
being because the people in power just feel really threatened by them, and that
the onus of that fear lies on those minorities to understand that.
I honestly don’t think that
my student is a racist in the conventional sense of the word. I think that it
was in some kind of earnest, unexamined sympathy that she was trying to argue
that everything from the Inquisition that nobody ever expects to civil rights
violations in New York City in the 21st century aren’t actually
justified but are based on irrational fear; but it doesn't really make much of a difference. I tell my students to avoid the intentional fallacy in reading texts, and I'm not going to make it in reading theirs.
The thing is that I took the coward’s way
out. When I was a college student, I detested professors who injected modern
politics into unrelated class discussions. I didn’t want everything to boil
down to George W. Bush or the Israeli-Palestinian conflict or — no, those were
the two main things — even if I agreed with them on at least one and a half of
those issues. I don’t want to be one of those professors who goes off on
tangents because she’s sure she’s right. When I talk about the modern world in
my classroom or in my office, it’s because we are talking about Adonis’ appropriation
of the petty kingdoms of al-Andalus as a metaphor in his poetry or because
Salman Rushdie is firmly a part of my
brief. I mostly don’t want to go near anything that isn’t firmly grounded in
text, and all the moreso with students. And so I didn’t try to explain to my
student that no, it’s not the responsibility of African-American voters to
understand that the power structure feels threatened that they might effect
change and it’s not up to any Muslim in America to suborn the fear that his
religion might inspire in the mind of the bigot. I told the student to take all
the references to the modern world out of her paper on the Spanish Middle Ages,
and in doing so, I failed as a teacher and as a human being. I don’t believe
that the modern should be pulled out of the medieval. And I think that this
kind of pernicious, unlearned, pervasive attitude about the relationship
between the majority culture and minorities is so clearly wrong that there’s no
debate in whether or not I should address it or whether I am right; but I am
equally certain that someone bashing George W. Bush in the classroom believed
the issue to be as clear-cut and obvious and with only one right answer and I
didn’t want to risk becoming that professor.
I did write a blog post
about the whole issue though, and went into a little bit more detail because it
happened to be during the brief interstice when this space was
password-protected and restricted to people I know in real life and have gotten
to know reasonably well online; it was always FERPA-compliant but it went into
greater specificity than I was comfortable doing for a general audience. Even this is probably too much; the student could recognize her paper if she were
ever to come across this, even though nobody else can.
By coincidence, a tweeter I
had started following a few weeks earlier because of some very on-the-nose
observations she made on anxiety in graduate school and the academy, weighed in on what is
more her main topic of writing an activism in a way that was very relevant to what
I was thinking about:
That was exactly what I had
been wondering, and more specifically, wondering about how to address it in the
classroom. I almost retweeted the remark before realizing that it was the
opening salvo in a jeremiad against white folks that I just wasn’t comfortable
participating in, including these two:
I was trying to figure out how to attend to this particular problem, but I definitionally needed to figure it out first. Obviously these comments weren't personal, but they also marked thinking about this issue (and thinking about it
in the way that I usually think through things, by writing) as something that I
oughtn’t do because I’d never do it right. And there’s a lot wrong with that:
Even if this sort of discourse pigeonholes me as white folk, I don’t fit in as
neatly as the theorists and the activists who rely on their work might like; the terminology perpetuates the problem;
and this line of rhetoric disregards both human nature and the fact of
cosmopolitan enclaves that treat the whole issue of race and culture in a
completely different and incompatible mode. There’s a lot there. This is going
to end up being a three-parter.
Critical race theory says that I’m a white person. And if you don’t look too
carefully or talk to me, I can be pretty invisible in lots of parts of the
United States, though as a friend who grew up partly in the American South
pointed out to me, I’d never pass, even visually, there. I know that the extent
to which I can pass is a privilege, whatever its limitations. But I’m also
Jewish, and in spite of several scholarly arguments to the contrary, my lived
experience as an American Jew makes me pretty definitively not a white person in the way the term is used as a critical category.
The fact that this part of
the Twitter conversation could include a remark in which someone, mocking
Jewish people who try to insert themselves into the right side of the debate,
could do so with a caricature whine that would be unthinkable to pour into the
mouth of any other minority group: “What about the JEEEEWWWWS?!” suggests to me
an othering that negates the “whiteness” it tries to impart. (I unfortunately
don’t have a screenshot of this one because at that point I was so disgusted
that I figured I’d never write about this; if I remembered the exact number of
Es and Ws, I might have a better time locating it through Google or the Way
Back Machine, but alas.)
I’m white-looking enough
that I can mostly pass, except to the little old Russian ladies on the bus or
in the copy shop or at the airport who register that we have something
phenotypically in common and start jabbering away to me in Russian, refusing to
believe my protestations that I simply can’t understand them. Because even
though I consider myself fully American, even though I’ve never been to Russia
and (clearly) don’t speak the language, there is something — my cheekbones? my
hairline? — that marks me to coteries of little babushkas as being as
foreign as they are.
I’m white-looking enough but a college roommate still told me that I didn’t “look American.” That I looked more
exotic, like a “European beauty” — I know that must sound like I’m satirizing,
cartoonish as it is, but I’m quoting what I suppose was meant as a compliment.
I may look white at first
glance and may have much privilege that results, but I still have to negotiate
how to respond to a “you people” speech from a U.S. Customs official when I (a
U.S. citizen, by the way, only and always) returned from giving an academic
talk in Israel and, having been awake at that point for close to 36 hours, made
a mistake in filling out my customs and immigration form. I have to figure out
how to tell someone I consider a close friend (and apparently I have defaulted
to the inadvertently passive-aggressive mention in a blog post method) that describing someone as
“Jewish” isn’t at all offensive, actually, but then backpedaling (that even
believing that she needed to backpedal) by saying “no offense, but I could tell
by his nose” is super offensive and tied in with all kinds of murderous
historical stereotypes. I don't want to have to trot out a litany of insults, but even though I may look white
at first glance, and even though critical theory may declare that I am white, it’s 2014 and
I still have to talk about the extent to which I can or can’t pass in
mainstream American society.
And
then there is the Gestalt, the famed immigrant mentality that has never really
died out. I am a fourth-generation American. I had the luxury of knowing that
my parents were mostly kidding when I brought home tests with high scores and
they would ask: “So, nu? A 97? What happened to the last 3 points?” But they
still asked. And I also knew just as readily that when my grandparents were
asking that question, they were mostly not kidding; and I know this because I
grew up hearing, over and over again, the story about how my grandfather’s
older brother participated in a prestigious medical training program in the Air
Force, the top ten graduates of which were guaranteed a spot in an equally
prestigious civilian medical school, with the promise that they would continue
to serve once they finished their education; and the year that my great-uncle
Arthur graduated tops from that program, the medical school slots went to
graduates #2-#11, Christians all of them. We still had to be the very best
because even that would never, ever be a guarantee. I know that I attended Yale
within a generation of the Jewish men who had managed to gain admission despite
the explicit quotas that imposed upon them higher expectations and lower
possibilities of success; and to a one, at least among the ones I know, they
were permanently warped by that environment. Every time some pundit comments on
how the Jews control Hollywood or the economy or the news media, I am reminded
of how tenuous whatever gains we have made remain. I have spent my life not
belonging anywhere I have found myself. That’s partly a different story, but
it’s also partly because however much I might see myself as a Jewish American,
the world sees me as an American Jew. Jews
may have some "access to whiteness" — sometimes good access, even — but we’re
definitely not white folks.